Sacramento County H1N1 vaccination clinics

Sacramento County has updated its schedule of free H1N1 flu vaccination clinics through mid-January. Some times and locations have changed, and a few previously scheduled clinics were canceled. Other area counties have yet to schedule public clinics. In Sacramento County, there are no longer restrictions on who can receive the shots.

This clinic schedule may change due to vaccine availability or other factors. Before you come to a clinic, check scph.com and click on the H1N1 flu graphic for the latest information.

To avoid waiting in long lines at the public clinics, call your doctor’s office to see if they have the vaccination. Here is the schedule:

• Today: 4-8 p.m., Sheldon High School, 8333 Kingsbridge Drive, Sacramento.

• Wednesday: 3-7 p.m., Former Florin Road Toyota building, 3800 Florin Road, Sacramento.

• Thursday: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Citrus Heights City Hall, 6237 Fountain Square Drive, Citrus Heights.

• Friday: 4-8 p.m., Florin High School, 7956 Cottonwood Lane, Sacramento.

• Saturday: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Franklin High School, 6400 Whitelock Parkway, Elk Grove.

• Dec. 15: 3-7 p.m., Folsom High School, 1655 Iron Point Road, Folsom.

• Dec. 16: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., St. Rose Parish, 5905 Franklin Blvd., Sacramento.

• Dec. 17: 3:30-7:30 p.m., Sacramento High School, 2315 34th St., Sacramento.

• Dec. 18: 3:30-7:30 p.m., Encina High School, 1400 Bell Ave., Sacramento.

• Dec. 21: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Rosemont High School, 9594 Kiefer Blvd., Sacramento.

• Dec. 22: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Natomas High School, 3301 Fong Ranch Road, Sacramento.

• Dec. 28: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Robertson Community Center, 3525 Norwood Ave., Sacramento.

• Dec. 29: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Sears-Florin Mall drive-through, 7000 65th St., Sacramento (no walk-ins, vehicles only).

• Dec 30: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., St. Anthony’s Church, 14012 Second Ave., Walnut Grove.

• Jan. 4: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., First Baptist Church, 4401 San Juan Ave., Fair Oaks.

• Jan. 5: 4:30-8 p.m., Elk Grove High School, 9800 Elk Grove-Florin Road, Elk Grove.

• Jan. 6: 3-7 p.m., Grant Union High School, 1400 Grand Ave., Sacramento.

• Jan. 7: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Sunrise Mall drive-through, 6041 Sunrise Blvd., Citrus Heights (no walk-ins, vehicles only).

• Jan.8: 3-7 p.m., Inderkum High School, 2500 New Market Drive, Sacramento.

• Jan. 11: 4-8 p.m., Valley High School, 6300 Ehrhardt Ave., Sacramento.

• Jan. 12: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Sacramento Japanese United Methodist Church, 6929 Franklin Blvd., Sacramento.

• Jan. 13: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Christ Community Church, 5025 Manzanita Ave., Carmichael.

• Jan. 14: 1-5 p.m., Chabolla Center,610 Chabolla Ave., Galt. • Jan. 15: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., County Administrative Center, 700 H St., Sacramento.

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Californian leads effort to defend abortion rights in health plan

WASHINGTON – As a school nurse long ago, California Democratic Rep. Lois Capps worked with children of the uninsured, getting eyeglasses for them with help from the local Lions Club.

She’s one of the most liberal members of the U.S. House, a longtime advocate of universal health care. She says she’s thrilled to be a member of a Congress on the verge of passing a historic overhaul of the nation’s health care system, legislation that she says was first proposed by President Teddy Roosevelt and that “means everything to me.”

In a high-stakes battle, she’s also threatening to vote against the bill because one issue is even more important to her: abortion.

Capps’ name has suddenly become synonymous with defending abortion rights on Capitol Hill. She’s engaged in one of the biggest fights of her nearly 12-year congressional career.

Capps, of Santa Barbara, is one of 40 lawmakers threatening to derail the legislation if a House-Senate conference committee does not remove language that would restrict access to abortions.

The issue is stirring up plenty of passion in Washington, much to the satisfaction of Capps, who whipped up hundreds of backers when they flooded Capitol Hill for a day of lobbying last week.

“The stakes are now really high and the advocates are going to make all of the difference in the world,” said Capps, attending a standing-room-only abortion-rights rally and standing in front of a bright orange and white sign that said “Abortion Is Health Care.” She drew loud applause when she announced: “I am one who cannot even envision voting for health care reform that takes us back on women’s rights.”

Watching Capps, 71, at the abortion-rights rally, Jingyi Zhang, 25, of San Mateo, called her “a good leader,” and said she was happy that California was playing a prominent role in trying to protect abortion rights.

“I feel like California and New York should be the leaders because they tend to be perceived as the most forward-thinking of the states,” she said.

Capps said abortion-rights backers got “a huge wake-up call” last month when the House voted to include abortion-limiting language in its health care bill by accepting an amendment offered by Michigan Democratic Rep. Bart Stupak.

Backers of abortion rights have a new mantra, “Stop Stupak,” and they much prefer the competing “Capps Amendment,” which would not add any more restrictions to abortion coverage.

Capps may not be well known nationally, but her amendment is quickly gaining fame in the nation’s abortion debate.

“She will probably be known forever as the author of the Capps Amendment,” said Cecile Richards, president of the Planned Parenthood Federation of America.

While Capps has become a darling of abortion-rights groups, anti-abortion groups are working hard against her amendment.

“Americans, women included, reject the radical feminist vision of an abortion for every home, at government expense,” said Marjorie Dannenfelser, president of the Susan B. Anthony List, which opposes abortion rights.

If the Stupak amendment is removed, she said, the vote on final passage of the health care bill will be “the most significant pro-life vote” of the year, adding: “This will be a career-affecting vote.”

At the same time, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops is backing Stupak’s amendment, saying that without it millions of insurance purchasers would be forced to pay an “abortion surcharge” because they’d be forced to pay for abortion coverage.

The House Energy and Commerce Committee approved Capps’ amendment earlier this year. Under the amendment, the government could not mandate or prohibit coverage for abortion services for plans in the health insurance exchange. It would ensure that patients have access to at least one plan that covers abortion services and one that does not.

In addition, the amendment would retain and expand existing conscience protections for health care providers who refuse to provide abortions because of their personal beliefs, and it would clarify that public funding may not be used for abortion services except in cases of rape, incest and to protect the life of the woman.

Many abortion-rights backers said the committee work was intended to be a compromise between opponents and proponents of abortion rights and to ward off a divisive fight over abortion when the bill came before the full House.

“We thought that was pretty much something that had been taken care of,” said Sacramento Democratic Rep. Doris Matsui, a member of the committee.

But when the bill came to the full House, a majority voted to scrap the Capps amendment at the last minute in favor of Stupak’s plan, which opponents say would result in the biggest rollback of abortion protections in a generation.

Under Stupak’s amendment, consumers who get government subsidies to buy insurance in the exchange could not buy a plan that covers abortions, except in cases of rape, incest or to protect the life of the women.

“My goal has always been to ensure that the voices of the majority of Americans who oppose federal funding for abortion were heard in this important debate,” Stupak said.

Democratic Rep. Diana DeGette of Colorado, the co-chair of the Congressional Pro-Choice Caucus, said abortion-rights opponents are “hijacking” the health care debate and that “they took hostages and demanded a ransom.” But she said backers of abortion rights will not trade away those rights to get a health care bill passed.

“That is a devil’s bargain, and it’s a bargain that we will not make,” DeGette said.

California Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer, part of a team of women leading the abortion fight in the Senate, said abortion-rights backers will defeat Stupak’s amendment, but she said it’s a fight that they had hoped to avoid.

“We didn’t ask for it,” she said. “We didn’t look for it. But now that we’re in it, we will win it.”

Boxer called Capps “a smart and sharp” leader and said that supporters of Stupak’s amendment are trying “to chip away and tear away” the abortion rights guaranteed by the Roe vs. Wade Supreme Court case. She noted that no other medical services are being singled out for non-coverage under the health care bill.

“They’re picking on women,” Boxer said. “And the women of America are just simply not going to stand for it.”

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Behind the Health Debate: Uninsured cancer patient faces next hurdle



Anthony Andrade is tended to by radiation therapist Trudie Nino, left, after his first session of radiation therapy Monday at Radiological Associates of Sacramento. At right is radiation therapist Toni St. Jacques. Andrade is eager to get this new phase of his ordeal behind him and return to work.

Last of three parts

Huge bills begin arriving in the mail, a frightening déjà vu for Tony Andrade. The shoe box in his bedroom already is stacked with overdue notices from hospitals and doctors.

Andrade’s cancer surgery was a success. Only part of his bladder had to be removed, and he headed home from the hospital after two nights to recover in his mother’s guest room. His burdens are lighter now that surgery is behind him.

But a new statement from Kaiser Permanente dated Sept. 20 is particularly jolting. It gives Andrade two weeks to pay $11,309.10, most of it for the June 17 visit to the Kaiser emergency room, where the cancerous growth in his bladder was discovered. The body scans alone cost $7,600.

Two other bills arrive at the house he shares with his father near Franklin Boulevard and 17th Avenue. These are for another visit to the emergency room, on Sept. 19 at Mercy General Hospital, for pain that turned out to come from his pancreas, unrelated to the bladder cancer. The hospital wants $420, while the ER doctor is separately owed $637.20.

The statements from Mercy were a surprise. Andrade, 47 and uninsured, thought the bills would go directly to Sacramento County, which had agreed to pay for his care back in July, when it deemed him medically indigent.

“They told me I wouldn’t be paying anything,” he says, his voice soft, but strained. “The bills keep coming.”

Andrade hopes these will be the last of the bills added to his collection, now that the county is covering the $62,000-plus that Sutter General Hospital will charge for his surgery.

It would seem a cruel twist that those with the least have to pay the most for medical care. But lacking health insurance means forgoing the bargaining power of insurance companies. Andrade’s bills likely are thousands of dollars higher than they would be if he were insured.

Andrade doesn’t know much about the ins and outs of the current national health care policy debate, but he does realize he’s the little guy in the big-money world of medical care.

“If I could pay for any of it, I would,” he says. When a bill collector calls, he assures the caller that he isn’t trying to shirk his financial obligations. He asks for more time, even though he knows that all the time in the world won’t allow him to pay off all those medical bills.

“I think he’s afraid of all the bills, the cancer coming back and about his job. He’s got a lot of stress,” says his mother, Sandy Cooper.

Since summer, when Andrade took time off from work because of his cancer, he has been surviving on $280 a week in disability checks. At the end of the month, his checks will stop arriving if he does not extend his disability leave.

By now, he’d hoped to be back on the job as a medical transport driver, but he doesn’t know when he will feel well enough to get behind the wheel of the van. He misses the camaraderie he’s developed over the past two years with the folks he shuttles to and from doctors’ offices, dental clinics or dialysis appointments.

Though he is steadily recovering, more visits to doctors and specialists loom in the days ahead.

As Washington, D.C., temperatures dip into the 60s in early fall, there is a chill among supporters of a national health bill.

Republicans and fiscally conservative Democrats have grown intensely focused on the high cost of revamping the health care system. Congressional leaders are paring away at various proposals, hoping to keep the tab under a trillion dollars.

A sigh of relief greets a cost analysis by the Congressional Budget Office, which on Oct. 7 reports that a Finance Committee proposal would cost $829 billion over 10 years – well short of the $1 trillion benchmark.

Congressional leaders hope it will reassure a wary public that the massive overhaul would not be too expensive – but it still amounts to the biggest health care program since Medicare was established more than four decades ago.

For months, the insurance industry has been quietly organizing against the overhaul measures. The country’s largest insurer, Wellpoint, which operates as Anthem Blue Cross in California, is sending out mailers and making phone calls to enlist subscribers as grass-roots warriors.

A frequent target is the “public option,” a government-run insurance program, which the industry considers bad for business.

Insurance companies are reaching out to Andrade, too, with offers that mingle with the bills in his mailbox. He’s teased, he says, with promises of affordable premiums and quality care.

He once took up Blue Cross’ offer to call for a free quote, only to hang up in frustration. The insurer quoted him a premium of nearly $300 a month.

“How could I afford it?” he asks. “I live paycheck to paycheck as it is.”

Even if he could afford the premiums, would an insurer actually risk covering him once it knows he is a diabetic with cancer? The health care legislation being considered by Congress would prohibit insurance companies from denying coverage to individuals with pre-existing conditions, but as of now only five states – not including California – insist on that in every case.

To Andrade, health insurance clearly is a necessity. But for insurers, it’s literally a balancing act: They make money from banking the premiums they get from subscribers and lose it when they pay a hospital or doctor.

In mid-October, a day before the Senate Finance Committee is to vote on its health care proposal, the industry’s national trade group, America’s Health Insurance Plans, launches a surgical strike against health care overhaul. It trumpets a study estimating that health care premiums would rise by thousands of dollars, perhaps by as much as $4,000 in a decade, if many of the proposals being discussed in Congress are enacted.

AHIP launches television ads and intensifies its lobbying. Still, some opinion polls show support for a public option is growing.

Andrade isn’t particularly religious, and hasn’t paid much attention to the national health care discussion, but he finds himself praying for some kind of resolution in Washington – and a way out of his troubles.

Away from work for months, he watches over his only granddaughter, Nevaeh. Now and then he drops in on folks he used to shuttle to and from health appointments.

When the Senate Finance Committee votes, a Senate Republican joins the narrow majority, giving Democrats fresh resolve.

Sandy Cooper begins monitoring the debates in Washington more closely, unsure of what it all means to her son. She wonders about those who share the misfortune of being poor and severely ill.

“What are all these people supposed to do?” she asks. “Can you imagine a system that turns its back on children, on a baby, just because his family has no insurance? Tony’s my baby.”

The phone rings, and Andrade misses the call. His boss leaves a message. It is near the end of the month, and he wants to know when Andrade will be coming back to work.

Andrade’s disability leave ends in just a few days, and he needs a doctor’s note if he is to extend it and continue receiving his checks. His doctor’s office assures him that a notice has been sent to the state; the state says it hasn’t received it.

Without his checks, Andrade will have to dip into the $300 left in his savings. His car insurance payment of $108 is due soon; so are utility bills. Andrade is drained and overwhelmed.

Before the checks run out, Andrade spends part of Oct. 30 at a radiology office, flat on his back for a CAT scan.

When his arm is prepped for an injection, Cooper senses her son’s anxiety.

“You can hold his hand if you want,” a technologist tells her.

“Can I?” she responds, reaching for his hand.

“You don’t have to,” Andrade says, suddenly embarrassed.

She lets go and playfully slaps his forearm, to help pop his veins for the injection.

Andrade spends his birthday, Nov. 5, with a cancer specialist to review the results of his CAT scan and plan his treatment. There is unsettling news.

His cancer could return if aggressive action isn’t taken. Indeed, there is a strong possibility it could spread to other parts of his body. He will have to begin radiation therapy soon.

Five days a week, for up to six weeks.

Sandy Cooper’s mind wanders. She glances at a child in the medical office, perhaps only 3 years old, bald from therapy. She notices the disfigured ear of a man nearby, presumably another patient.

Her son played linebacker and quarterback at Hiram Johnson High School, and his 6-foot-2, 260-pound frame hasn’t begun to show the physical strains of his illness. He already shaves his head, but she worries that weeks of intense radiation could emaciate him. She envisions him weak and frail and fixates on that, rather than on his long-term prognosis.

But Andrade doesn’t allow himself to ask the doctor the ultimate question either: Will his cancer kill him? He’s not yet ready for the answer.

“If it was something lethal, wouldn’t they have let me know?” he says later. “If it gets worse, if it recurs, maybe I’ll ask then.”

Just when Andrade thought his health care crisis was over, it is merely morphing into something different.

The health care debate also is shifting in Washington. On Nov. 7, the U.S. House of Representatives passes a historic bill to widen access to health insurance to include most Americans. It is a close vote, within three votes of going the other way.

While abortion becomes a flash point, the House bill retains the major tenets of the Obama administration: near-universal health care, guaranteed coverage to those with pre-existing ailments and an insurance exchange that would offer the uninsured a place to turn for health coverage, without risk of denial.

Then, it is on to the Senate, where Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid of Nevada barely gets the 60 votes to open discussion on the Senate floor, signaling the difficult task at hand.

As he opens debate on the Senate floor Monday, Reid urges his colleagues to “avoid the temptation to drown in distractions and distortions.”

The Republican leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, responds, saying the bill will “kill jobs and darken the economic prospects of struggling Americans and their children.”

As the debate rages on back in Washington, Andrade begins the next phase of his fight with cancer here in Sacramento: weeks of intense radiation therapy.

He arrives for his Monday appointment optimistic – devoid of the anxiety he felt five months ago when he found blood in his urine, free of the panic when a doctor turned him away for cancer surgery because he lacked insurance, and free of the frustration of having a second surgery postponed amid county budget cuts.

“The quicker we get it going, the quicker it will be done,” he says, his mother again by his side. “I just want to get back to work, get … on with my life.”

Cooper’s face brightens: “Absolutely,” she says.



Tony Andrade reviews the tens of thousands of dollars’ worth of medical bills he has racked up. He worries that he will fall further into debt because of his cancer treatment. Collection agencies are hounding him for money he does not have, though he tries to assure them that he is trying to pay. The county has said it will pay for his most recent surgery, and he prays that will happen.

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Behind the Health Debate: Cancer patient leaves toughest question unasked



Sandy Cooper watches over her son, Tony Andrade, at Sutter General Hospital in early October. Sacramento County has deemed 47-year-old Andrade “medically indigent.”

Second of three parts

Tony Andrade has yet to ask the tough question: Is he going to die?

Andrade knows enough about cancer – people in his life have died from the disease – to realize his situation is grave: A tumor was removed from his bladder, but more cancer was found. Now he has to figure out whether, without private health insurance, he can get the additional surgery he needs.

That unknown seems far more daunting than the larger question, as it does for many of the 46 million uninsured in America today. As a debate over health insurance raged in public throughout the summer, Andrade dealt with his own private crisis.

Now, on this fall afternoon, Andrade and his mother, Sandy Cooper, sit side by side on the living room couch in her south Sacramento home.

“Everybody dies,” Andrade tells her. “We all have to go someday. … The question is, will I die before my time?”

“Don’t say that,” Cooper snaps.

Cooper removes her glasses to blot her eyes, gets up and disappears into the darkness of a nearby room. The summer has been almost as hard on her as on her son.

The drops of blood Andrade, 47, discovered in his urine back in June were only the beginning of what has become a monumental crisis for him and his family.

Without health insurance, Andrade is relying on the Sacramento County Medically Indigent Services Program, a safety net for the working poor. He is at the mercy of the county bureaucracy and a program that’s under dire financial stress. Sacramento County has closed health clinics, reduced services, cut staff and tightened eligibility rules to further reduce its caseload.

Now, the county is considering further cuts.

For Andrade, those cutbacks are more than minor inconveniences. He has trouble reaching his county doctor to talk about his diabetes and upcoming appointment; she is on indefinite leave, a county spokeswoman will later explain. On the day he is to see her, he arrives to find the county clinic on Del Paso Boulevard closed.

Cancer treatment isn’t cheap, and Andrade and his mother are afraid the county could run out of money for his medical care – or that he could be dropped from the program before he gets his surgery.

“We’re getting help now, (but) what about tomorrow?” Cooper asks.

Three thousand miles away, the health care overhaul proposed by congressional Democrats would require every American to obtain health insurance and allow most of the uninsured to purchase policies through an insurance exchange, a government-run marketplace that would guarantee minimum coverage. Those unable to afford coverage on their own would benefit from subsidies funded by new taxes on businesses and the wealthy.

Proposals also would vastly expand Medicaid, known as Medi-Cal in California, allowing more of the working poor to qualify.

Critics challenge the plan. Would folks really get the quality care they need? And would premiums in the exchange be cheaper than in the existing free market?

They also raise the specter of Big Brother and rationing. Do we really want the government more involved in our health care decisions?

Andrade was thankful to be approved for county indigent coverage in July, but now he is at the mercy of forces he cannot control. He has little choice in doctors or the treatment. County case managers make most of those decisions for him.

Ultimately, what Andrade really wants is private health insurance and the ability to go to a doctor anytime, without fear of another expensive bill.

That is not his reality on this September day when he is taking the turns in his life as they arrive.

Over the years, Andrade has struggled with a raft of health problems – a challenge for even the best- insured to manage. The former Hiram Johnson High School linebacker is technically obese, although he camouflages his girth with loose-fitting T-shirts. He has type 2 diabetes, diagnosed two years ago by a Kaiser doctor, and his county doctor has put him on a challenging regimen of insulin, drugs and healthier living.

As the wait for cancer surgery drags on, one cousin fears Andrade has given up.

“There’s a lot of anger,” says Brenda Garcia. “Sometimes he just disappears.”

In late September, the county and Capitol Urology Medical Group finally come to an agreement over their contract, and Andrade’s second surgery in as many months is back on. His spirits rise.

He banters playfully with his mother as they wait for his pre-operation appointment in Folsom.

A childhood friend has coached him about the questions he should ask this time, and he runs through his handwritten list:

What type of cancer?

How long will surgery last?

What is recovery time?

In the case something goes wrong … what is Plan B?

He learns his cancer is an adenocarcinoma, a particularly worrisome variety when it involves the bladder because it is so invasive. Only 1 percent of bladder cancers are adenocarcinomas, according to the American Cancer Society.

The doctor will use a robotic tool, the da Vinci Surgery arm, to snip away the cancer from Andrade’s bladder and stitch up the wound. If all goes well, the surgery itself will take about two hours and recovery will be hours more.

The doctor won’t know how much of the bladder will have to be removed until he takes a look. If he needs to remove it, the surgery would be complicated by the need to rebuild Andrade’s bladder using a section of his intestines. Or fit him with an artificial bladder.

Neither option sounds good to Andrade.

But once again, he puts off the bigger question: Will this rare form of cancer eventually kill him?

The following week, at Sutter General Hospital, Andrade is surrounded by family and friends. His 23-year-old daughter brings his only grandchild, Nevaeh – “heaven” spelled backward – to his bedside.

Nurses are effusive and chatty. Consider this a five-star hotel, one tells him. His mother wonders out loud whether her son is getting special treatment because a reporter and photographer are in the room.

“Usually, when you’re uninsured, you get treated like a second-class citizen,” Cooper says.

In the last moments before surgery, mother and son try to reassure each other that everything will be all right. Both confide they have their doubts.

Andrade’s gurney is wheeled into the hall. His mother walks alongside. She is trying to think good thoughts and picture her son on the other side of surgery.

“Everything’s going to be all right,” she tells him. “I’ll be right here when you wake up. … I love you.”

Tightly wound with worry throughout the weeks of waiting, Cooper unclasps her son’s hand, leans into a nearby wall for support and unravels.

“He’s not going to die,” she says, her lips trembling. “He’s not.”



Rosie Fitzhugh, a nurse at Sutter General Hospital, prepares Tony Andrade for surgery in early October. Andrade’s son, Anthony IV, and his daughter-in-law Liz, are at his bedside. Andrade and his family fear the county could run out of money for his medical care.

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Sacramento man’s health ordeal puts face on uninsured



Stress catches up with Sandy Cooper, whose son, Tony Andrade, 47, suffers from bladder cancer. He’s had one surgery to remove the tumor, but now he needs more, and he doesn’t know if he’ll be able to get it. “I don’t know what to do,” Cooper says. “I’m hoping someone can help him.”

First of three parts

Tony Andrade struggles for the words to bear the news, heart pounding and hands clammy as he grips his cell phone. Mom, don’t freak out or anything, he begins. It’s cancer.

Sandy Cooper’s voice quavers. I’ll be right there, she tells her son.

Bladder cancer. Andrade clicks off the phone and stops to absorb it, alone amid the bustle of nurses, doctors, orderlies and patients at Kaiser Permanente’s south Sacramento emergency room.

The last thing he needs is more medical bills to stuff into the shoe box under his bed. The past-due notices for prior emergency room visits now swell into the tens of thousands of dollars. The phone calls from the bill collectors keep coming.

Andrade never had much money. His bank account already is depleted. Nearly four years ago, he lost his home when he could not keep up with the payments.

In many ways, Andrade, 47, is the Everyman of President Barack Obama’s push for overhauling the country’s health care system: working, but for low wages, without health benefits – in the company of 37 million employed Americans who are uninsured.

Six months ago, days before Andrade’s June 17 visit to the emergency room, the president took his proposal to the American Medical Association’s annual convention in Chicago. Obama called it a moral obligation to widen access to health insurance and urged quick action from Congress. He acknowledged it could cost $1 trillion, perhaps more, but said, “The cost of inaction is greater.”

On June 20, House leaders unveiled legislation intended to bring relief to the country’s uninsured. But it would be months before the proposals would get a full hearing before the House and Senate.

Meanwhile, Andrade’s own health care crisis continues to unfold, providing a window into the options – and obstacles – that face the uninsured.

It begins on a summer morning, when Andrade makes a troubling discovery: drops of blood in his urine. The day ends with scribbles on the back of an envelope, a slapdash diary that will form a jumbled collage of his state of mind.

June 17 – “Diagnosed with tumor. Cancerous. Had to tell mom and kids. Scared, feeling real uneasy. … Lucky I went right away.”

Andrade makes a choice familiar to the uninsured that day, when he heaves his linebacker’s frame into a gray, 1999 Suburban and heads south seven miles to the emergency room. He knows that by law ER doctors have to see him whether he can pay or not.

Like many of this state’s 7 million uninsured, Andrade earns too much to qualify for Medi-Cal, the state’s version of Medicaid, but too little to buy insurance on his own. His pre-existing health problems, such as diabetes, inflate the premiums he’d pay for private insurance, if he could even get coverage.

Andrade spends 12 hours in the hospital, where doctors make arrangements to handle the noninvasive surgery to remove the tumor from his bladder.

At the end of the month, he returns to the hospital for a pre-operation appointment and is about to sign a consent form when the doctor, looking at his chart, suddenly realizes Andrade is not a Kaiser member.

Kaiser Permanente, now the country’s largest health maintenance organization, relies on a system of prepayments with an emphasis on reducing costs by stressing health and prevention. Unlike traditional insurance, Kaiser operates as a one-stop health care system for patients, with its staff of doctors and specialists working in Kaiser-owned clinics and hospitals – but, aside from emergencies, those patients must be members.

When he worked for the Department of Motor Vehicles, Andrade belonged to the Kaiser plan. Now, he drives for a small transport company, delivering medical and dental patients to appointments – and he is without benefits. His predicament is not unusual: Fewer than half of small companies in this country currently provide health coverage to workers.

Returning to the hospital on June 29, Andrade had assumed his insurance status wouldn’t be an obstacle since the referral for surgery came through the emergency room. Instead, the Kaiser doctor informs Andrade his surgery is being canceled.

Andrade begins to sweat. He leaves despondent and demeaned. There is nothing more he can say.

“I thought doctors were supposed to help you,” he says later. “I’ve got this tumor inside me that needs to come out, that this doctor told me needs to come out, and he’s turning me away.”

He shuffles through the hospital, his face flushed with embarrassment and anger. His chest feels tight. It seems the longest walk of his life.

The hospital doors slide open, Andrade breathes deep, his eyes moist. A stranger asks if he’s OK.

Andrade heads for the parking lot and the refuge of his old Suburban, sweltering in the 99-degree summer heat. He tightens his fists and slams the steering wheel, cursing.

He grabs for his cell phone. Sandy Cooper, his 65-year-old mother, hears the phone ringing as she sits watching television from the living room couch.

Andrade’s parents divorced when he was still a boy, and he remains especially close to his mother. When his stepfather, a Vietnam War veteran, temporarily lost his insurance a decade ago, Cooper relied on county clinics for medical care.

She knows what it’s like to be uninsured – the indignities, the blow to the pride – and hates for her son to go through that. In her eyes, Tony, all 6-foot-2 and 260 pounds of him, is still a child.

Andrade used to live just around the corner from his mother and stepfather in a working-class neighborhood in south Sacramento. Aunts, uncles, nephews and nieces lived nearby. When Andrade lost his house, he moved in with his father across town, near Franklin Boulevard and 17th Avenue.

Never married, his son and daughter grown, Andrade often finds himself alone – as he is the day he sits in his Suburban, perspiring, his cell phone at his ear.

I’ve got some bad news, he tells his mom.

What is it? Cooper asks.

They’re not going to do surgery, he answers.

She goes numb.

Back home, Andrade jots down another note: June 30 – “Told they couldn’t do surgery. No insurance. … Don’t know what to do.”

Kaiser would later characterize Andrade’s plight as an argument for change.

“This type of case illustrates the need for health care reform,” said Max Villalobos, senior vice president of Kaiser Permanente South Sacramento, in a prepared statement. “Kaiser Permanente strongly believes every American should be entitled to guaranteed and affordable health care coverage, regardless of their health status or health history.”

Andrade knows something is afoot in Washington, but feels disconnected from the political debate. He suspects any help it brings won’t come soon enough to pull him out of this mess.

He musters his strength and returns to Kaiser, hoping that somehow the doctor will reconsider. He leaves without a surgery date, but with pamphlets and paperwork from a hospital clerk, whose advice he jots down later that day.

July 2 – “Go to county. Apply for Medi-Cal, CMISP.”

Andrade’s $11.50-an-hour job makes him too wealthy for Medi-Cal – a safety net for the poorest of the poor. But Sacramento County, like all California counties, has a special program to provide for some of those not eligible for Medi-Cal: CMISP, the County Medically Indigent Services Program.

The Primary Health Clinic at Broadway and Stockton Boulevard already is under pressure from budget cuts and the growing numbers of people who have lost their jobs, are uninsured and, like Andrade, have nowhere else to turn.

The confluence of events is unfortunate, with the county tightening its rules to admit fewer people – 40,000 instead of 50,000 – just as more need the services.

Andrade avoids the lines at the main clinic by applying at a satellite office across the street from the UC Davis Medical Center. It is surprisingly quiet. He fills out forms asking about his citizenship status – the county no longer provides service to undocumented immigrants – and his finances.

He hands his paperwork to an eligibility officer, who says the county will get back to him.

On the same day Andrade is seeking to be deemed medically indigent, the Senate health committee refines its plan, proposing health coverage for all but 3 percent of the country’s legal residents.

July 9 – “Approved for CMISP! Feeling relieved.”

Finally, something is going right.

The county will pay Andrade’s future medical bills. It will give him access to doctors who can help him control his diabetes, obesity and other health problems. And it will refer him to the specialists he needs to deal with his cancer.

Soon, surgery to remove his tumor is set for late August at Capitol Urology Medical Group in Folsom. By now, Andrade is conditioned to be wary, recalling how the rug was pulled from under him just days before. Could it happen again?

His doubts grow, and so do doubts in Washington.

Fiscally conservative “Blue Dog” Democrats are joining Republicans in expressing concerns about the overhaul proposals. They complain about proposed tax hikes to finance new programs.

Congressional members fan out into their districts to convene town halls.

Rep. Dan Lungren, R-Gold River, hosts his first of four area town halls on health care in Citrus Heights on Aug. 18. It is a standing-room-only crowd hundreds strong, with scores more turned away – a scenario repeated across the country.

In Amador County, hundreds pack into another town hall. Opponents are particularly roiled by the proposal for the government-run health insurance program dubbed the “public option.”

“I happen to think the president is wrong in his approach to health care,” Lungren tells his audience.

The next week, on the same August day Andrade’s tumor is removed from his bladder, more than 2,000 show up in Rancho Cordova for another Lungren town hall.

The summer debate has been intense, and soon the president will appeal to supporters in a congressional address, trying to reverse the slide of momentum for what he still hopes will be his signature domestic accomplishment.

“The time for bickering is over,” he will say. “The time for games has passed. Now is the season for action.”

Sept. 2 – “Told I have aggressive form of bladder cancer. I expected to hear all clear.”

Andrade’s tumor is out but at a post-op appointment, he finds out he needs more surgery. The cancer has spread to surrounding tissue.

He withdraws, sometimes falling into a deep depression. Later he will say that he blames himself.

“I’m angry with myself, about losing my house, all these bills,” he says. “It was all my responsibility.”

His mother takes on the duties of documenting Andrade’s heath care milestones, turning her wall calendar into a grid of appointments.

Cooper wants her son to stay strong. But she has trouble containing her own worries. She knows her son is a grown man, but she also knows he needs a push to take control of his life and health.

She shares his story with a stranger, speaking haltingly into the phone. Her son has cancer. Her son doesn’t have insurance. Her son can’t afford medical treatment.

“I don’t know what to do. I’m hoping someone can help him,” she sobs. “Can you tell me what we can do?”

Then, another setback. The contract between Andrade’s doctor and the county is under review, caught up in the county’s budget woes.

Before Andrade abandons his makeshift diary for good, he dashes off a final note:

Sept. 9 – “Told surgery on hold. … Stressing out, anxiety.”



Tony Andrade of Sacramento has a raft of health problems. He is overweight and has diabetes. Now, he has cancer – and must face the disease without health coverage.



Tony Andrade, who has diabetes, draws blood from a finger to test his blood-sugar level. He has vowed to take better care of his health.



Tony Andrade, center, prays with family at his mother’s south Sacramento home in early October. He relies on their support to overcome the most difficult challenges in his life. But, he says, “I’m angry with myself, about losing my house, all these bills. It was all my responsibility.”

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COBRA coverage subsidy ends soon for many

When Paul Carroll lost his job in January, he and his wife, Kate, had a difficult, expensive choice: Do they keep their health insurance through his former employer, even though it would mean bearing the full cost of the coverage?

The federal government eased the burden a month later, providing subsidies – amounting to two-thirds of the Carrolls’ premiums – intended to quell the sting of sudden unemployment for millions of Americans.

But the subsidies end Monday for the Carrolls and thousands of others across the country, among the first wave of laid-off workers to lose the government aid.

For the Carrolls, who are now self-employed, it means $1,200 of their monthly income.

“It’s obviously a considerable chunk of what we’re living on as we’re building our businesses,” said Paul Carroll, 58.

But he considers himself fortunate to have been able to set aside financial reserves to help cover unexpected medical costs. Still, “it’s a challenge,” he said.

“I don’t think you really appreciate the coverage and realize where the chinks in the armor are until you’re faced with major challenges,” he said.

It’s unclear when or whether Congress will address the subsidy expiration with specific legislation or as part of a major jobs bill.

With unemployment on an upward track, the Obama administration, with the approval of Congress, acted to help millions of Americans who had lost their jobs since September 2008.

As part of the federal stimulus package, Congress authorized $25 billion to provide subsidies for about 7 million laid-off workers so they can remain on health plans provided by their employers under the Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act, better known as COBRA.

Under the program, laid-off workers pay 35 percent of premiums and the government reimburses employers for the remaining 65 percent.

When workers leave their jobs, they typically shoulder the entire cost of premiums themselves, an often expensive proposition for folks trying to subsist on unemployment checks.

On average, the typical family pays $1,069 a month to continue employer-sponsored health coverage, according to Families USA, a health advocacy group based in Washington, D.C.

COBRA subsidies last nine months, and that time runs out at the end of the month – Monday – for the program’s first enrollees, if congressional action is not taken.

With health care overhaul a burning issue in Washington, some health care advocates say it is not a good time to increase the country’s number of uninsured.

“To the extent that we are trying to create a health care system where we are trying to get everybody in, it makes no sense to let people lose coverage,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of Health Access California, an advocacy group.

“Unfortunately in this system, those who get unemployed also get uninsured. It’s an awful double whammy,” Wright said.

Even with the subsidies, some have found COBRA payments unaffordable. Less than 10 percent of the newly unemployed typically sign up for COBRA. With the subsidies, however, the percentage has nearly doubled, according to a study by Hewitt Associates.

While some get coverage through spouses or find less-expensive private insurance, more than half of those who lose their jobs go uninsured, Wright said.

Even with the federal subsidy, COBRA “is still expensive, but it’s a lot better than paying a hundred percent of the premium when there is no income coming in through the door,” Wright said.

The federal subsidy is also running out for Miriam Marchevsky.

The 36-year-old Oakland woman lost her job last fall and extended her health coverage through COBRA. She’s found a new job that does not offer the benefit of health insurance, which she needs because she is at high risk for ovarian cancer, she said.

Now without the subsidy, her monthly premiums will be $530 a month – an amount she will pay. “I don’t have an option,” because of pre-existing health conditions, she said. If she drops her policy now, “it will be impossible to get another one.”

Some Senate Democrats want not only to extend the subsidy to 15 months and push the expiration date to next June, but also want to boost it to 75 percent. A similar measure was introduced in the House.

If approved, that would be welcome news for Andrew Bradley, 27, of Roseville, who was laid off in September from a Sacramento public relations firm. His COBRA subsidy cuts his monthly health care premiums from $350 to $120. He hopes he’ll find another job before his subsidy runs out in several months, because there’s no way he would be able to afford the comprehensive coverage while unemployed.

“I’d probably drop my comprehensive coverage and only pay for insurance that covers me if something really catastrophic happens,” he said. “I’m fairly healthy and I think it would be OK.”

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Sacramento, El Dorado counties offer H1N1 vaccine today

El Dorado and Sacramento counties are holding free community flu shot clinics today offering the H1N1 vaccine.

The Sacramento County clinic is open to all Sacramento county residents, but the El Dorado County clinic is limited to high-risk people.

The Sacramento clinic is scheduled for 4 p.m. to 7 p.m. at the Isleton Elementary School, 412 Union St., in Isleton. The clinic is open to all Sacramento County residents older than six months.

The El Dorado clinic, hosted by the county’s Health Services Department, will be from 1 to 3:30 p.m. today at the El Dorado County Fairgrounds, 100 Placerville Drive, Placerville.

Individuals targeted to receive the vaccine at today’s El Dorado clinic include pregnant women; caregivers of infants younger than 6 months; people 6 months through 24 years old; people 25 through 64 who have medical conditions that put them at risk for flu-related complications; and health-care workers and emergency medical personnel.

The vaccine is offered free of charge and will be administered based on availability. Additional clinics will be scheduled as more vaccine is received, a county Health Department news release states.

For updated information on H1N1 flu, see the El Dorado County Web site.

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Sacramento ex-surgeon gets 3 years, 8 months in sex case



Scott Takasugi said

According to the judge, Dr. Scott Takasugi created a “solipsistic” world that existed for the former plastic surgeon’s amusement only – one where some women walked in as patients and walked out as victims of a sexual deviant.

On Monday, Takasugi walked out of the courtroom chained at the waist and feet on his way to a three-year, eight-month prison term. The sentencing came nearly six months after he pleaded no contest to touching and in at least one instance taking pictures of the vaginal areas of two women who came to him in 2006 for breast surgeries.

“We have planned conduct, and there was a position of trust,” Sacramento Superior Court Judge Steve White said. “The doctor-patient relationship is considerable. This is one where the victims acceded reluctantly to the doctor’s conduct, based upon their judgment that he was doing what was in their interests, even though it didn’t seem like it to them. And they only did that because he was their doctor and they trusted him.”

Under terms of his June 5 plea deal, Takasugi also was barred from practicing medicine in California. He also will be required to register as a sex offender for the rest of his life.

One of the women told the court she had been waiting three years for Monday.

“I suffered anxiety going to the doctor,” said Brenda Meininger, who gave reporters permission to use her full name. “It was really hard for me going to the doctor alone. I break down and cry. I had to have friends come with me as moral support. I’m an adult, and that’s embarrassing.”

She told the judge, “I really feel like the defendant needs to spend some time in jail. It doesn’t sound like he thinks that what happened was anything serious.”

Takasugi’s sentencing was continued twice after he pleaded no contest to the two sexual exploitation counts. Finally set for sentencing Nov. 20, Takasugi failed to appear in court after his father, former state Assemblyman Nao Takasugi, died the night before in Ventura County.

White issued a no-bail bench warrant, but stayed it until Nov. 23. Takasugi again failed to appear. His lawyer, Ted W. Cassman, said the defendant had been placed in a psychiatric ward in Ventura County on a 72-hour mental health hold.

Cassman’s court papers described Takasugi as a “profoundly self-centered, self- absorbed man.” White suggested the diagnosis came across strongly in a nine-page letter dated Sept. 24 that Takasugi gave to the court Monday.

In the letter, Takasugi wrote about growing up in Oxnard as a child of parents who survived the World War II internment of Japanese American citizens to flourish afterward and thrive in Ventura County politics.

He wrote about his family of high-achievers and his own interests as a kid, and how he loved to take pictures of orchids and “the human face and form.” He recalled his love of the medical profession and how he helped the less fortunate by doing cleft-palate repairs for patients in Peru and Guatemala.

As for his criminal case, Takasugi said that “after greater introspection,” he realized the “procedures” he used “were unnecessary and wrong.” He blamed his behavior on his “lifelong love of photography, my subjective perfectionism, my arrogance, my narcissistic tendencies and my disdain for conventions and bureaucracy.”

After reading the letter, White told the defense lawyer that “the narcissism that you describe was really much greater.”

The judge said, “He had created a sort of solipsistic existence,” which wouldn’t be criminal unto itself, until he “objectified” his victims, White said, to the point where he didn’t think he did anything wrong.

“These people who are players in this case, on the stage of his world, he used them for his own satisfaction, for amusement,” White said.

Cassman said his client was “remorseful … in his soul-searching statement to this court.” He said the “brief touching” that led to Takasugi’s conviction “was done in the auspices and under the conditions of a medical practice.”

The attorney called Takasugi’s behavior “aberrational” in the sense that the defendant “has a narcissism that permits him to be insensitive or unaware of the invasiveness that’s experienced by these individual patients.”

Deputy District Attorney Keith Hill told the court the women were preparing for surgery, that one had already been medicated and that “these crimes showed planning and sophistication on the defendant’s part.”

“These were not just spur-of-the-moment crimes,” Hill said. “They were continuous. They involved multiple victims over a period of time, and it was clear the defendant knew exactly what to say and what to do to manipulate his victims to his advantage in this case, with medical excuses that many would oftentime believe.”

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Carmichael doctor’s sex-crimes sentencing delayed again

For the third time since he was convicted of sexually exploiting two of his patients, former Kaiser plastic surgeon Dr. Scott Takasugi was able to dodge a prison cell Friday, but his time is running out fast.

Sacramento Superior Court Judge Steve White issued a no-bail warrant when Takasugi failed to show up for his sentencing after the defendant’s father died the night before. White stayed the issuance of the warrant, however, until 9 a.m. Monday, when it looks like the one-time doctor from Carmichael will get his expected term of three years and eight months.

“I do believe he will show up and that it will happen on Monday,” Deputy District Attorney Keith Hill said outside the courtroom Friday.

Takasugi, 56, who was arrested in June 2006, pleaded no contest June 5 to two counts of sexually exploiting patients. He had been charged in a 21-count complaint that included seven charges that he sexually penetrated his unconscious victims and that he raped two more.

He initially had been scheduled for sentencing on Oct. 9, but that was continued to Oct. 23, which in turn was set to Friday, a little more than 12 hours after the former physician’s 87-year-old father died due to what his lawyer described as multiple organ failure. Defense attorney Ted W. Cassman asked the judge for a week’s continuance, which the prosecutor vigorously opposed.

Hill said in court, “I don’t want to look harsh,” but he added that Takasugi had acted as if he were “above the law” and that the delays are keeping the victims from moving on with their lives.

“Not only did the crime take an emotional toll on them, but with each court appearance, and the preparation for each court appearance, it causes another significant impact,” Hill said. “I just feel for the victims and feel they deserve some closure.”

Two of the women appeared in court with friends and family Friday, and the father of one of them said, “It just seems the wheels of justice turn very slowly.”

“It’s been three and a half years since he was turned in,” said the man, whose name is being withheld because it would serve to identify his daughter. “It’s taken a toll on the victims and their families.”

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Sacramento County H1N1 clinics continue after crowded session

Free H1N1 flu vaccinations were available to all Sacramento County residents, rather than priority groups, on Monday, and long lines and a packed parking lot were part of the scene at the clinic at the Scottish Rite Masonic Center in River Park.

Today, a free H1N1 vaccination will be held in North Highlands. The clinic will be from 3 to 7 p.m. at the North Highlands Community Center, 6040 Watt Ave.

Here is an updated list of free clinics through mid-January:

• Wednesday: 4-8 p.m., Isleton Elementary School, 412 Union St, Isleton.

• Thursday: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Samuel Pannell Community Center, 2450 Meadowview Road, Sacramento.

• Saturday: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., American River College, 4700 College Oak Drive, Sacramento.

• Monday: 3:30-7 p.m., Sheldon High School, 8333 Kingsbridge Drive, Sacramento.

• Dec. 9: 3:30-7:30 p.m., Maita Toyota, 3800 Florin Road, Sacramento.

• Dec. 10: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Citrus Heights City Hall, 6237 Fountain Square Drive, Citrus Heights.

• Dec. 11: 3:30-7:30 p.m., Florin High School, 7956 Cottonwood Lane, Sacramento.

• Dec. 12: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Franklin High School, 6400 Whitelock Parkway, Elk Grove.

• Dec. 14: 3-7 p.m., Mesa Verde High School, 7501 Carriage Drive, Citrus Heights.

• Dec. 15: 3-7 p.m., Folsom High School, 1655 Iron Point Road, Folsom.

• Dec. 16: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., St. Rose Parish, 5961 Franklin Blvd., Sacramento.

• Dec. 17: 3:30-7:30 p.m., Sacramento High School, 2315 34th St., Sacramento.

• Dec. 18: 3:30-7:30 p.m., Encina High School, 1400 Bell Ave., Sacramento.

• Dec. 21: 3:30-7:30 p.m., Rosemont High School, 9594 Kiefer Blvd., Sacramento.

• Dec. 22: 3-7 p.m., Natomas High School, 3301 Fong Ranch Road, Sacramento.

• Dec. 28: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Robertson Community Center, 3525 Norwood Ave., Sacramento.

• Dec. 29: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Sears-Florin Mall Drive-Through, 7000 65th St., Sacramento (no walk-ins, vehicles only).

• Dec 30: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., St. Anthony’s Church, 14012 Second Ave., Walnut Grove.

• Jan. 4: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., First Baptist Church, 4401 San Juan Ave., Fair Oaks.

• Jan. 5: 3:30-7:30 p.m., Elk Grove High School, 9800 Elk Grove-Florin Road, Elk Grove.

• Jan. 6: 3-7 p.m., Grant Union High School, 1400 Grand Ave., Sacramento.

• Jan. 7: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Sunrise Mall Drive-Through, 6041 Sunrise Blvd., Citrus Heights (no walk-ins, vehicles only).

• Jan.8: 3-7 p.m., Inderkum High School, 2500 New Market Drive, Sacramento.

• Jan. 11: 3:30-7:30 p.m., Valley High School, 6300 Ehrhardt Ave., Sacramento.

• Jan. 12: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Sacramento Japanese United Methodist Church, 6929 Franklin Blvd., Sacramento.

• Jan. 13: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Christ Community Church, 5025 Manzanita Ave., Carmichael.

• Jan. 14: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., Sacramento City Public Safety Center, 5770 Freeport Blvd., Sacramento.

• Jan. 15: 10 a.m.-2 p.m., County Administrative Center, 700 H St., Sacramento.

Call The Bee’s Bill Lindelof, (916) 321-1079.

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